Temples: An Enduring Symbol of Power for the Seleukid Empire
Arguably, the Seleukid Empire was the most successful of all the Hellenistic Kingdoms.[1] It was the most widespread, lasted one of the longest, and was relatively stable during its rule. Most scholars agree that the heart of the empire was in Koile Syria, with Issos, Babylon, and Tyre, among others.[2] This Empire characteristically did not focus on ethnic uniformity, but embraced many different cultures and peoples.[3] Their founder was Seleukos I Nikator, retaking Babylon with Ptolemy and the peoples’ support after Antigonus expelled him from the satrapy.[4] Before long, his reign extended from Baktria in the East all the way to Phoenicia in the West. Several years before his assassination, he started an invasion of Macedonia after defeating Lysimachos at Koroupedion. In the next decade or so, his son, Antiochos I Soter, had stabilized all his territories, from Asia Minor to Baktria.[5]
This paper aims to examine a potential method of conveying power for the Seleukid Empire. Unlike the other major powers of the time, the Seleukids emphasized diversity and expansion. Meanwhile, a fourth century CE orator speaks of the marks the Seleukids have left in each of their territories, with countless cities and settlements.[6] This is in direct contrast to the likes of Alexander and his other successors; the entire city of Thebes was leveled by Alexander for the sole purpose of showing a message to Greece.[7] Furthermore, almost all of these cities were not strictly ruled. Although they inherited the usual Greek civil institutions, they were treated effectively as independent entities, all swearing fealty to the dynasty.[8] This seems to be an inheritance of sorts from the preceding Achaemenid Empire. Its expansiveness was unprecedented, and many more established kingdoms were integrated into the empire. Balcer asserts that the role of the Persian satraps were not to homogenize the different styles of kingship, but instead to encourage local governments to continue, so long as they did not interfere with the broader rules set by the Achaemenid kings.[9]
The concept of religion is also important in this time period. It indicated a mass exchange of different cultures and peoples. From the typical paradigm of the Greek twelve Olympians to the various Oriental cults spread throughout the lands, religion did not face any noticeable decline.[10] In fact, previous scholarship notes that temples are one of the factors which differentiate status for Seleukid settlements.[11] They served as more than just a place of worship, commonly as a meeting place for citizens, both local and foreign.[12] With all this in mind, temples can be used as an important consideration in how the Seleukid Empire thrived.
The case studies for this paper are all geographically distinct, meant to demonstrate a consensus for the Seleukid Empire. There is the Temple of Artemis in Sardis, the Jebel Khalid temple, the Esagila in Babylon, and the temples in Aï Khanoum. Through these, it will be argued whether, and to what extent, temples conveyed power for the Seleukid Empire.
Sardis
Sardis, located in modern day Turkey, was the former capital of the Lydian Kingdom.[13] After the Persian Empire fell to Alexander the Great, Sardis was swept up into his control. The dissolution of Alexander’s Empire leads to constant territorial disputes between Demetrius, Antigonus, and Lysimachus. Lysimachus ends up ruling the city for the next twenty years. This is until Koroupedion in 281 BCE, when Nikator defeats the previous ruler and transforms the city into a more strategic location, as a Seleukid administrative center and stronghold. They maintained the city until roughly 190 BCE, when the Romans defeated Antiochos III and handed the city over to Pergamon.[14]
Hellenistic religion in Sardis is an interesting thing in itself. Euripides and other tragedians call this region the birthplace and common association of Dionysus.[15] The city, and broader Phrygia, holds a strong connection to the Phrygian goddess Cybele. Meanwhile, the most famous religious structure in Sardis is the Temple of Artemis, placing her as the most prominent goddess, at least during the Hellenistic. A statue of Zeus Polieus was later added in 220 BCE. Various cults were also present in the area; the most prominent of which were the cult of Zeus Baradates, the Greek epithet of the Persian Ahura Mazda, and Sabazios, a Thracian and Phrygian deity.[16]
The temple itself, the Temple of Artemis, is extraordinary in its own rights. The fourth largest Ionic temple in the classical world, it was placed to the Southwest side of the site, overlooking the Pactolus. Scholarly consensus believes that construction of the temple began soon after Nikator won the city with Koroupedion. This means that the temple was largely the undertaking of his successor, Soter.[17] An inscription found at the site states that the temple was a gift of Stratonike, wife of.[18] The structure of the temple was unique, featuring a pseudodipteral style, with a large cella in the middle, surrounded by a peristyle lined with columns. Hellenistic constructions seem to have ended at the cella, with the later peristyle added by the Romans.[19] Though the architectural style is not distinctly Seleukid, there is evidence to suggest that the Temple of Artemis was planned to be similar to the Artemision in Ephesus, which was undertaken by Croesus, the Lydian king.[20] This affirms the idea of Seleukid diversity. The temple’s importance has also been noted since near its inception, with Antiochos II establishing a stele recording a sale of land as well as an indication of the temple’s wealth and security.[21]
For the entire Hellenistic period and beyond, Artemis was the national goddess of Seleukid Asia Minor, and was of chief importance for Sardis.[22] She has been present in the region since around the sixth century BCE, though it was only the temple that put her in such prominence.[23] The undertaking of the Temple of Artemis was an establishing move by the Seleukids in order to strengthen their power and hold over the region. It allowed for the establishments of priestesses in the region and several officials.[24] By constructing the temple, they solidified themselves as one of the major figures of the area and naturally gained favor with the citizens. Furthermore, the Roman additions affirm the significance of the temple and further signify the Seleukid’s involvement with Sardis. The Temple of Artemis allowed the Seleukids to place themselves as one of the primary rulers of Sardis, beyond even the Hellenistic.
Jebel Khalid
While the name of the ancient town is not known, the archaeological site is called Jebel Khalid. Located in modern day Syria, the settlement seems to be one founded by Nikator, with no evidence of inhabitation prior to the Hellenistic period. The site flourished until its abandonment in roughly 69 BCE, the reason for which is unclear.[25] The site was an extremely strategic location, serving in part as a garrison, protecting a crossing of the Euphrates, and an administrative location, possibly reporting back to Antioch. Jebel Khalid also controlled trade and was part of a connected military network around Syria for the Seleukid Empire.[26]
The exact nature of religion in Jebel Khalid is hard to discern, though it is possible to gather a rough idea through some of the material evidence. The sculptures excavated at the site are hard to identify. They bear semblances to statues of Herakles and Zeus-Megistos,[27] incorporating elements of both Eastern and Western sculptural technique. Along with these, there are several unidentifiable cult statues.[28] Nonetheless, the religious scene is diverse and a multitude of cultural deities can be found, both Greek and local.
While many of the buildings in Jebel Khalid are of great importance, in part due to the town being a new settlement of Nikator, the temple stands out as a defining characteristic of major Seleukid settlements. The Jebel Khalid Temple was situated on one of the high points of the town, notably being visible from all points as one approached the settlement.[29] It featured Doric elements and was amphiprostyle, with a main cella, with two columned porticos on each end. To that end, the architecture was a combination of Mesopotamian and Greek, borrowing the proportions of the former and the aspects of the latter.[30] The temple featured heavy use, most likely for the general purposes of the citizens, rather than housing a specific cult.[31] Findings from inside the temple also indicate a considerable amount of wealth and importance, with statues made of Parian marble across the site.[32] The temple has shown activity for around four and a half centuries, from the inception of the site to various Roman visits into the second century CE. The various modifications undertaken after the abandonment of the site also show a continued importance of the temple.[33]
While the Jebel Khalid temple lacks more literary sources, it is rich in material and archaeological evidence. It served all the religious needs of the citizens and was a utility of the city. The temple served two purposes, both as a landmark in the region and as a place of importance for the inhabitants. In many ways, Jebel Khalid and its temple signified all that was characteristic of the Seleukid Empire. Though not uniquely Seleukid in its design, it demonstrated cross-cultural integrations[34] and the mixing of various peoples. The temple served as a lasting site of importance for the area, often visited far after Jebel Khalid was abandoned. Especially in a military outpost in a relatively key location, the presence of a temple was a symbol of power and demonstrated to the broader Hellenistic world the values of the Seleukid Empire.
Babylon
Also situated on the Euphrates, Babylon is essential to this region’s history.[35] Thriving for over two thousand years prior to the Hellenistic period, the city was originally the capital of the empire with the same name.[36] The rule immediately preceding Hellenistic times is somewhat similar to that of Sardis. Babylon was held by the Achaemenid Empire until Darius III lost to Alexander at the battle of Gaugamela. Several rebellions took place under Persian rule, though they were all suppressed.[37] Immediately following Alexander’s death, Antigonus and Nikator fought over Babylon, though Nikator came out on top. The Seleukids held Babylon until Parthian conquest in 141 BCE.[38]
With the age and the history behind the city, Babylon features an incredibly rich and complex religious scene as Nikator becomes king. The Esagila itself is dedicated to Marduk, the primary deity of Babylon. Other local deities include the other Mesopotamian gods, though there is heavy conflation with the Greek paradigm. There was particular emphasis on Nabu, who was, at the time, the equivalent for the Greek Apollo.[39] For the most part, the Babylonians retain their religious identity through the Hellenistic period, with the occasional introductions of similar deities.
The Esagila dates back to the very first kings of Babylon, constantly undergoing destruction, repair, and improvement over the next millenia. By the time of Alexander, the temple was once again destroyed. He started the Esagila restorations, but his death put these efforts on hold.[40] It was Nikator and Soter who completed it. The architecture of the temple is, as one might expect, utterly un-Seleukid. What is important, is the use of the temple by the Seleukid kings. Antiochos II’s visit and sacrifice in Esagila were documented in the astronomical diary for 256 BCE. The sacrifice was dedicated to Bēl and Bēltiya, epithets for Marduk and Zarpanitu, the equivalents for Greek Zeus and Hera.[41] The renewed Esagila also provided for scholarship to be produced. The top temple administrator and high priest during the time of Nikator and Soter wrote accounts of Babylonian culture for the Seleukid dynasty, which were circulated to the library of Alexandria and beyond.[42] Further Seleukid kings very publicly visited Esagila and made ritual sacrifices and ceremonies.
Esagila supported the Seleukid dynasty in a much more direct and evident way than the other case studies. The rebuilding of Esagila bolstered the Babylonians’ support for the Seleukid dynasty, while allowing them to retain their own religious identity. The celebration of various rituals at Esagila supported cultural diversity in the Seleukid Empire. Furthermore, Esagila promoted scholarship and other works to be produced out of it, allowing for Seleukid fame to be bolstered. By rebuilding Esagila, the Seleukid Empire established themselves as the most favorable ruler of Babylon.
Aï Khanoum
Aï Khanoum was a settlement located on the south bank of the Ochus river, in modern day Afghanistan. Like Jebel Khalid, it was likely founded by Nikator in 312 BCE. The site is notable for its strategic location in the East, eventually ending up as a major center of Hellenistic Baktria.[43] Under Seleukid rule, Aï Khanoum served as a royal city and an essential element of Seleukid rule in Baktria. It was built to be larger than previous settlements in the area and fit all the criteria[44] Sometime in the middle of the third century BCE, when Diodotus seceded from the Seleukids, Aï Khanoum became part of the Baktrian Kingdom.[45] The city thrived until its abandonment, following a series of attacks from local peoples in around 145 BCE.
Religion in Aï Khanoum is just as diverse as the previous case studies, perhaps even more so. In the material evidence, the usual Greek gods and goddesses are present. Greco-Indian coins depicting Zeus seem to match up with the statues excavated at the site. Nike is also present in the coinage.[46] Other local cults that have been suggested include a cult of Cybele, a cult of Anahita, and a cult of Zeus-Ahura Mazda.[47] There seems to have been a healthy mix of local Iranian deities as well as Greek ones.
The difficulty in Aï Khanoum’s religious structures comes in identifying Seleukid influence instead of the later Baktrian work. There exist two main religious structures. Of primary concern will be the temple à redans, located inside the city walls, seemingly started in the first half of the third century.[48] Being the only temple located inside the city, the temple à redans served as the main religious structure for the city. It was an official location within Aï Khanoum as well as a place of worship.[49] Its architecture features some Seleukid elements, though it is primarily a mix of Achaemenid, Greek, and Persian.[50] The extramural temple seems to be characteristically non-Greek, also suggesting a worship of non-Greek deities. It does not seem likely to have been built under Seleukid rule.[51]
Despite not being fully realized under Seleukid management, the Aï Khanoum temples seemed to be a crucial part of the city’s development. They supported the city’s role as a foundation for Seleukid rule in Eastern Asia, while retaining cults, both local and foreign. They supported diversity while maintaining their role which Kosmin asserts. Signifying the presence of a major Seleukid settlement, the Aï Khanoum temples strengthened the Seleukid presence in Baktria.
Conclusion
The direct role of temples varies throughout the Seleukid Empire. Despite this, they all fit the rough paradigm of support for cross-cultural interaction. They support an image of diversity within the Seleukid Empire and strengthen their rule across the Middle East. Temples are a defining characteristic of Seleukid colonies, and they bolster the presence of Seleukid rule. Across the territory that the Seleukid inherited or founded, temples are always present. They conveyed power and presence, both indirectly and directly for the various peoples assimilated into the vast Empire.
Notes
[1] Cf. Arrian’s Anabasis of Alexander 7.22, “καὶ τοῦτο τῷ τε Ἀλεξάνδρῳ σημῆναι τὴν τελευτὴν καὶ τῷ Σελεύκῳ τὴν βασιλείαν τὴν μεγάλην. Σέλευκον γὰρ μέγιστον τῶν μετὰ Ἀλέξανδρον διαδεξαμένων τὴν ἀρχὴν βασιλέα γενέσθαι τήν τε γνώμην βασιλικώτατον καὶ πλείστης γῆς ἐπάρξαι μετά γε αὐτὸν Ἀλέξανδρον οὔ μοι δοκε ἰέναι ἐς ἀμφίλογον.”
[2] Graham Shipley, The Greek World After Alexander 323-30 BC (London: Routledge, 2000), 277.
[3] Shipley, The Greek World After Alexander 323-30 BC, 271.
[4] Michael Austin, The Hellenistic World from Alexander to the Roman Conquest: A Selection of Ancient Sources in Translation, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019), 82.
[5] Shipley, The Greek World After Alexander 323-30 BC, 286-7. The rest of the history is irrelevant to the focuses of the paper, though it can all be found in Shipley and Austin. The only important event is the dissolution of the Empire, when Pompey annexed the remaining territories as a Roman province in 64 CE.
[6] Getzel Cohen, The Seleucid Colonies: Studies in Founding, Administration and Organization (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1978), 89. This orator is Libanius of Antioch, who lived in the Roman Empire. He was devoted to Classical authors and the Greek style.
[7] Though this example is from Alexander the Great, and not his successors, it is very well known and still stands. The mere fact that there are far more wars and conflicts than treaties should suffice as evidence for the tradition continuing into the age of the successors. See Chaniotis, War in the Hellenistic World: A Social and Cultural History, for more about destruction as a theme in the Hellenistic.
[8] Shipley, The Greek World After Alexander 323-30 BC, 305-306.
[9] Jack Balcer, “The Greeks and the Persians: The Processes of Acculturation,” Historia: Zeitschrift Für Alte Geschichte 32, no. 3 (1983): 257-67, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4435852. Of course, Herodotus’ Histories and other primary sources offer a more implicit view of the various cultural integrations of the time.
[10] Shipley, The Greek World After Alexander 323-30 BC, 176.
[11] Paul Kosmin, The Land of the Elephant Kings: Space, Territory, and Ideology in the Seleucid Empire (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2014), 199-203.
[12] Mary Boyce, Roger Beck and Frantz Grenet, A History of Zoroastrianism: Zoroastrianism under Macedonian and Roman Rule (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1991), 169. This specific example is in reference to the temple at Aï Khanoum, but it can be applied to most Seleukid temples.
[13] Michael Grant, A Guide to the Ancient World: A Dictionary of Classical Place Names (Bronx: H.W. Wilson Company, 1986), 561-2. Sardis is also characteristically wealthy, largely through the influence and spread of Croesus, the last king of Lydia. For quotes and primary sources on this, see Pedley, Ancient Literary Sources on Sardis.
[14] George Hanfmann, Sardis: From Prehistoric to Roman Times: Results of the Archaeological Exploration of Sardis 1958-1975 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983), 113-4.
[15] John Pedley, Ancient Literary Sources on Sardis (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972) 72. Cf. Bacchae 463-4, where Pentheus says “οἶδ ̓, ὃς τὸ Σάρδεων ἄστυ περιβάλλει κύκλῳ.” Dionysus responds “ἐντεῦθέν εἰμι, Λυδία δὲ μοι πατρίς.” The more specific association is with Mt. Tmolus.
[16] Richard Ascough, Religious Rivalries and the Struggle for Success in Sardis and Smyrna (Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2005), 41-4. It is important to note that Hanfmann remarks on the absence of Zeus Baradates’ cult during the Hellenistic, see Sardis: From Prehistoric to Roman Times, 135.
[17] Fikret Yegül, The Temple of Artemis at Sardis (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2020), XIX.
[18] William Buckler and David Robinson, Sardis VII: Greek and Latin Inscriptions, Part 1 (Leyden: E. J. Brill, 1932), 91. The text reads, “Στρατονίκης τῆς Δημητρίου το[ῦ] Ἀντ[ι]γόν[ου].”
[19] Yegül, The Temple of Artemis at Sardis, XXII.
[20] Yegül, The Temple of Artemis at Sardis, 229.
[21] Hanfmann, Sardis: From Prehistoric to Roman Times, 119.
[22] Hanfmann, Sardis: From Prehistoric to Roman Times, 129. Cf. Buckler and Robinson, Sardis VII: Greek and Latin Inscriptions, Part 1, 66. Here an inscription on a monument to Moschine, Priestess of Artemis reads, “Ἄρτεμι, Σάρδεις σῶζε δινε[κὲ]ς εἰς ὁμόν[οιαν] Μοσχίνης εὐχαῖς Διφίλεω θυγατρό[ς].”
[23] Ibid.
[24] Ibid.
[25] Sabina Ion, “Identity and Material Culture in Seleucid Jebel Khalid” (master’s thesis, University of Cincinnati, 2015), 8-13, http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin147981964305723.
[26] Geoffrey Allardice, “The Foundation of Jebel Khalid: When and Why” (bachelor’s (honours) thesis, University of Melbourne, 2008), 61-2, https://jebelkhalid.arts.unimelb.edu.au/pubs/Allardice2008.pdf.
[27] Zeus-Megistos is primarily present at Dura-Europos
[28] Ion, “Identity and Material Culture in Seleucid Jebel Khalid,” 69-72.
[29] Graeme Clark, “The Jebel Khalid Temple: Continuity and Change,” in Religious Identities in the Levant from Alexander to Muhammed: Continuity and Change, eds. Michael Blömer, Achim Lichtneberger, and Rubina Raja (Turnhout: Brepols, 2015), 143.
[30] Clark, “The Jebel Khalid Temple: Continuity and Change,” 147.
[31] Clark, “The Jebel Khalid Temple: Continuity and Change,” 142.
[32] Ion, “Identity and Material Culture in Seleucid Jebel Khalid,” 70. Parian marble is also well known in the Ancient World for its price and quality.
[33] Clark, “The Jebel Khalid Temple: Continuity and Change,” 152-3. Earlier scholarship incorrectly dates the temenos to Hellenistic times.
[34] This idea for the Jebel Khalid settlement is much more well expanded upon in Ion, “Identity and Material Culture in Seleucid Jebel Khalid.”
[35] Grant, A Guide to the Ancient World, 96.
[36] Stephanie Dalley, The City of Babylon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021), 1.
[37] Dalley, The City of Babylon, 283-9.
[38] Ibid.
[39] Apollo was hailed as the founder of the Seleukid dynasty. This naturally led to him being a more important deity for the Seleukids.
[40] Dalley, The City of Babylon, 292. It’s also important to note the broader cultural changes of this time, which included the retention of Babylonian rituals and administrative practices, and also the switch from traditional Babylonian roof tiles to Greek ones on important buildings.
[41] Ibid.
[42] Dalley, The City of Babylon, 300-3. This scholar, Berossus, does not have any extant work, though scholars after him continued producing work under the library of Esagila.
[43] Laurianne Martinez-Sève, “The Spatial Organization of Ai Khanoum, a Greek City in Afghanistan,” American Journal of Archaeology 118, no. 2 (2014): 267, https://doi.org/10.3764/aja.118.2.0267. The modern name of the river is Darya-i Pandj.
[44] Martinez-Sève, “The Spatial Organization of Ai Khanoum, a Greek City in Afghanistan,” 273.
[45] Laurianne Martinez-Sève, “Ai Khanoum and Greek Domination in Central Asia,” Electrum 22 (2015): 33-34.
[46] Susan Downey, Mesopotamian Religious Architecture: Alexander through the Parthians (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), 72.
[47] Downey, Mesopotamian Religious Architecture: Alexander through the Parthians, 73. This is the same Ahura Mazda mentioned in the Sardis case study, though the different epithet is confusing.
[48] Ibid.
[49] Matthew Canepa, “Seleukid Sacred Architecture, Royal Cult and the Transformation of Iranian Culture in the Middle Iranian Period,” Iranian Studies 48, no. 1 (2015): 82, http://www.jstor.org/stable/24483046.
[50] Ibid.
[51] Downey, Mesopotamian Religious Architecture: Alexander through the Parthians, 74-5. There are some weak parallels suggested between the extramural temple and other Seleukid temples.
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